Archive for the "Policy" Category

The Health Care Bill and Health

03.23.10 | By Leah Binkovitz | Policy |

The bill has more or less passed. The reconciliation bill will be taken up shortly by the Senate and many seem confident it will pass here as well. Considering the major elements of the bill include things like ending discrimination against individuals with preexisting conditions, ending limits on lifetime spending, allowing adult children up to age twenty six to be included on their parents’ policies, ending premium disparity between men and women, and subsidizing affordable policies while taxing cadillac plans, it seems to be more of an insurance reform bill than a health care reform bill. The bill doesn’t include things like reforming measurements of service delivery, moving from quantity to quality or tort reform to decrease defensive medicine practices concerned more with legal liability than the health of patients.

And what about preventive care? Not much beyond what many state health departments already offered. The implied benefit is that with the promise of insurance, more people will take advantage of doctors’ services before the issue becomes a crisis. But there was one, minor attempt to consider preventive care in the bill. And it reveals that within Congress, there may be a dim recognition that our food system has something to do with our health. The Wall Street Journal blog “Washington Wire” posted an article Monday about a provision within the bill “requiring restaurant chains to disclose calorie information on menus.” Because these requirements first have to go through the FDA, menus won’t see changes for a few years. Of course, reactions from the restaurants are mixed but the movement to get information into the hands of the consumer isn’t new. And in fact, it seems, it isn’t helpful. An article by The New York Times published last October reveals “Calorie postings don’t change habits.” The study was conducted by professors at NYU and Yale to test the impact of labeling laws in New York City and found, “that people had, in fact, ordered slightly more calories than the typical customer had before the labeling law went into effect, in July 2008.” So, the provision is headed in the right direction but going about it in the most delicate way. The thinking seems to be, leave it up to the consumer and do as little damage as possible to the private food industry. But, as the study shows, we don’t understand the consumer. Human beings are not rational actors, food is not just a matter of calorie counts, and the “consumer” is not a neutral actor with equal access to all products. If we want to address the connection between health and food, it cannot be done through this minimalist philosophy of intervention that imagines a simple surgical incision can heal the whole body. Calories, cost, convenience, familiarity, marketing, information, etc. all factor into our relationship with food. Slow Food embraces the recognition that the most important information about food is hardly its calorie count. Health is not a numbers game. It is not a matter of converting individuals to a lower intake level. Health happens on the scale of the community and we need provisions that recognize this.

Behind the Organic Label

02.18.10 | By Leah Binkovitz | Farms, Policy |

For those who fight for access to organic goods, it is a relief that at last the USDA Organic label on our milk will mean that the cows had more than just ‘access’ to pastures. The requirement that organic livestock be provided access to pasture had often been abused by large dairies as a poorly written loophole. But the passage has been updated to specify the terms of access. As The New York Times reported February 12,

“The new regulations, which go into effect in June, are much more specific. They say that animals must graze on pasture for the full length of the local grazing season. The season will be determined by local conditions and agriculture authorities, like organic certifiers or county conservation officials, not by the dairy alone. While the grazing season must last at least 120 days, in many areas it will be much longer. The rules also say that animals must get at least 30 percent of their food from pasture during the grazing season.”

All in all, it is a victory for organic. Large dairies will now have to do what small dairies were often already doing and consumers can have a bit more confidence in the organic label. But one thing left unmentioned by both the Times and Marion Nestle’s victorious entry for The Atlantic  is the role these local “agriculture authorities” will actually play. Of course the nature of these bodies will vary depending on location but just to offer an example of what agriculture authorities may entail and the incredible extent of poorly written legal documents, I would like to draw your attention to Ohio. The voters of Ohio recently approved a constitutional amendment creating the Ohio Livestock Care Standards Board. This board was presented as a humanely-minded regulatory body that would improve conditions for farm animals. And who wouldn’t vote for that, even if it is in the rather extreme form of a constitutional amendment? Fortunately, the more sinister details of the issue have begun to enter the public debate. To start, the body is not an elected one. It is comprised of the state department head of agriculture as well as ten individuals appointed by the governor meant to represent family farms (left undefined), consumers, veterinarians, and “someone who is knowledgeable about food safety.” These individuals are then given the authority to set the standards of care. The constitutional article tries to include details that would deflect criticism aimed at the reach of the Board with notes like, “The state department that regulates agriculture shall have the authority to administer and enforce the standards established by the Board.” I’m not sure how comforting that should be when the head of that same department sits on the Board. Fortunately, there is a move to put this amendment back on the ballot because, even if the Board does not become a reflection of big agriculture business, there is no accountability or opportunity for citizen participation.

This is not to say the new USDA requirements are not a victory. They are/ It is just to point out that phrases like “the season will be determined by local conditions and agriculture authorities, like organic certifiers or county conservation officials, not by the dairy alone” should be considered carefully. County conservation officials sounds good. As do livestock care standards. But the mechanisms are intentionally obscure to deter individual resistance. Inform yourself about your local management bodies.

Read Up:             http://www.legislature.state.oh.us/res.cfm?ID=128_SJR_6 http://food.theatlantic.com/nutrition/organic-milk-loophole-closed.php http://www.nytimes.com/2010/02/13/business/13organic.html?scp=1&sq=pasture%20rules&st=cse

“The Biggest Civil Rights Settlement” Goes Unpaid

02.15.10 | By Leah Binkovitz | Farms, Policy |

Discriminatory land use policies have left a legacy of inequality that has yet to be rectified. Though the labor of slaves and later sharecroppers helped support American agriculture, African Americans were often denied access to land as well as to many of the processes of wealth accumulation that allowed the concentration of capital necessary to support a farm. For example, practices of red-lining, managed by the Homeowners Loan Corporation, ranked neighborhoods and prevented the black homeowner from acquiring the same line of credit and advantageous mortgage terms. On top of this economic isolation, racially restrictive covenants maintained a physical separation. Many deeds still include clauses on race, specifically forbidding black, Jewish, or Asian families from owning the home. These are the mechanisms that met black migrants moving from the South to the North in order to escape the oppression of sharecropping. Northern manufacturing cities actively recruited young black males. Once in these cities, they were pushed into poorly maintained parts of the city. For decades, the presumed inability of blacks to assimilate and follow the concentric model of social mobility by which other minorities began life in the inner city but steadily moved out toward the suburb, was blamed on the black population and a “culture of poverty.” It wasn’t until a 1945 publication entitled Black Metropolis by Drake and Cayton that scholars began to acknowledge the institutionalization of racism that created both economic and geographic inequities. Not only did the government have its hand in persistent poverty but it, along with big business, also had its hand in dispossessing African Americans of land.

The National Black Farmers Association is still fighting to gain recognition for the discrimination faced by the black farmer. In what The New York Times calls the “biggest civil rights settlement in American history,” black farmers won a settlement of $2 billion as payment for subsidies and loans that had been denied them due to racism. That class-action suit was in 1999 and the payments have yet to be made. President Obama has requested that payments be included in the new budget and Agriculture Secretary Tom Vilsack has stated his commitment to righting this wrong. But, as the February 7th New York Times editorial details, this same budget proposal was included and denied last year. The National Black Farmers Association is trying to make sure that doesn’t happen again. Its president, John W. Boyd Jr. led a rally in Washington D.C. today as the end of a string of rallies held across the South. He is asking that the outstanding $1.15 billion be included in the budget.

Clearly, the struggle for civil rights is far from over. The phrase “forty acres and a mule” stands as a reminder of our unfulfilled promise. It is a promise of a land that is my land, your land. It is a promise where the mountaintop meets the farm.

IATP Looks Beyond the USDA

02.6.10 | By Leah Binkovitz | Policy |

Carlo Petrini writes in his book Slow Food Nation of a “network of gastronomes and the figure of the co-producer” as the social infrastructure necessary to counteract a food system that requires each commodity chain to span hundreds of miles. But Petrini continues, “the problems posed by this long chain of intermediaries go beyond that of the distance (physical or cultural) between two ends of the chain. Rather, the graver concern lies in matters of economics, ecology, and social justice.” (Petrini, 227)

That is what brought me to Slow Food. It struck me as a movement that was willing and excited to struggle with an incredibly embedded situation. It seems simple; good, clean, fair but it is a life’s work. It is a struggle that shares the dreams of figures as diverse as Temple Grandin, Martin Luther King Jr., César Chávez, Jane Jacobs, you, and me. And as such, we must begin to imagine a strategy of change that compliments this wide range of interests, a strategy of change that uses the strength of these tangled webs as reinforcing cause and effects. To that end, the Institute for Agriculture and Trade Policy has published its report “Beyond the USDA, How other government agencies can support a healthier, more sustainable food system” by Maggie Gosselin. The guide is meant to acquaint the reader with the variety of organizations that regulate and impact our food so that we can begin to imagine a multifaceted approach to changing our food and more practically, so that we as activists can utilize all of the grants and resources these different agencies offer. For example, the Department of Health and Human Services, which broadly oversees food labeling and food safety awards Community Service Block Grants to state Community Action Agencies that then re-grant the money or act directly on programs that help address housing, nutrition, employment, and education needs in low-income communities. The next agency, the Environmental Protection Agency, could contribute to a better food system through its ability to “establish better oversight of water and air pollution” or through “following the Supreme Court ruling that requires the EPA to regulate to mitigate damage caused by greenhouse gases.” The author recommends a joint USDA-EPA task force to address greenhouse gas emissions on farms. The EPA offers several grants, including the Environmental Justice Small Grants to organizations implementing solutions to environmental and public health problems. The paper goes on to discuss the Department of the Interior (responsible for 10 percent of the land in the United States and oversees livestock grazing on that land and fisheries), the Department of Commerce (who, as part of their jobs, grants patents to agricultural products), the Department of Transportation (in charge of food transport and thus with the capability of researching and improving food access), the Department of Housing and Urban Development (whose commitment to ‘livable communities’ must be pressured to succeed and who award grants to higher education institutions to develop partnerships with depressed communities), and more. Some of those names are likely familiar but some might surprise you.

When you imagine a food system that is good, clean, and fair, what exactly do you imagine? It will not just mean a change in land use, it will mean a change in the Farm Credit Administration and the Commodities Futures Trading Commission. This might seem intimidating. I admit that I am intimidated by futures speculation, I cannot claim to understand how it works or how it should be changed. But I read this report as inspiring. This is why Slow Food will succeed, because it is a movement that has a role for every individual, every agency. Your skills are valued. And once we’ve recognized this and addressed what exactly our skills are, we can meet the government half way and use some of these grants to work in city planning, trade policy, land use, education and outreach, and environmental research.

Take a look at www.iatp.org

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